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RESEARCH ARTICLE |
1 Department of Sociology and Anthropology and Center on Aging and the Life Course, Purdue University, West Lafayette, Indiana.
2 Department of Sociology, University of Northern Colorado, Greeley.
Address correspondence to Jori Sechrist, Purdue University, 700 West State Street, West Lafayette, IN 47906. E-mail: sechristj{at}purdue.edu
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Abstract |
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Methods. To address these questions, we used a subsample of adult children (aged 25–74) from the National Survey of Families and Households (Wave II) who were asked about contact and closeness with their mothers (aged 65 and older).
Results. Adult children residing in the South reported greater contact and closeness with mothers than those residing in other parts of the country. Traditionalism regarding gender ideology and religious involvement could not account for the greater contact and closeness observed among Southern respondents.
Discussion. Recent literature has demonstrated the persistence of a distinctive Southern culture; the present study contributes to this body of work by showing that intergenerational cohesion is also greater in the South than in other regions of the United States. These findings call for greater attention to regionality in future studies of intergenerational relations.
ACROSS the past decade, there has been a resurgence of interest in comparing the American South to other regions of the country (DiMaggio, Evans, & Bryson, 1996
; Hurlbert & Bankston, 1998; Powers et al., 2003; Rice & Coates, 1995; Suitor & Carter, 1999; Suitor & Reavis, 1995; Twenge, 1997). Much of this work has focused on the traditional values and behaviors that compose "Southern culture." Although the family is generally considered to be a cornerstone of traditionalism, it has received little attention in the study of regional differences. In the present study, we began to examine this issue by focusing on one of the most enduring of family relations—that between mothers and adult children. To this end, we used data from the National Survey of Families and Households (NSFH) to investigate whether mother–adult-child closeness and contact differ between the South and other regions of the United States. Furthermore, we examined whether other dimensions of traditionalism can explain patterns of regionality in mother–adult-child relations.
Studies across the past three decades have shown evidence of regional differences, the strongest and most consistent of which have been between the South and all other regions of the United States. In particular, Southerners are expected, both by themselves and by non-Southerners, to be more sociable and religious (Hackney, 2005; J. Reed, 2004; J. S. Reed, 1972, 1993; Silk, 2005; Suitor & Carter, 1999) and more traditional regarding both moral issues and gender roles (Powers et al., 2003; Rice & Coates, 1995; Suitor & Carter, 1999; Suitor & Reavis, 1995; Twenge, 1997). Although writers on the South have noted the strong role of the family in Southern culture (cf. Hackney, 2005; Hurlbert, 1989; J. Reed, 2004; J. S. Reed, 1972, 1993), empirical studies have focused primarily on other dimensions of traditional values and behaviors (DiMaggio et al., 1996; Powers et al., 2003; Rice & Coates, 1995; Suitor & Carter, 1999; Suitor & Reavis, 1995). However, given the strong relationship between other dimensions of traditionalism and familism (Becker, 1991; Booth & Amato, 1994; Marks & McLanahan, 1993), it stands to reason that the same trend in regional differences regarding other aspects of traditionalism, such as those regarding gender and religion, would be found in family relations. Therefore, we hypothesized that relations between mothers and their adult children would be more cohesive in the South than in other regions of the country.
As discussed previously, we believe that closer parent–adult-child relations among Southerners is primarily a manifestation of greater traditionalism in the South across a variety of issues, including religion, gender-role attitudes, and attitudes regarding social issues more generally. If this is the case, the association between region and parent–child relations should weaken or disappear completely when controlling on such measures of traditionalism. However, this may not be the case if familism varies by region apart from other dimensions of traditionalism. Carter and Borch's (2005) recent analysis of regional differences in gender-role attitudes suggests that, in fact, this might be the case. They found that even after controlling on religiosity, religious attendance, and education—three strong predictors of traditionalism—region continued to exert an effect on gender-role attitudes. These findings suggest that there may be dimensions of Southern culture that function beyond effects of other characteristics common to the South. Rather than developing specific hypotheses regarding the independent effects of region on parent–adult-child closeness and contact, we explored this question.
In summary, we hypothesized that closeness and contact between mothers and adult children would be stronger in the South than in other regions of the United States. We also explored the association between region and mother–child relationship quality and how dimensions of traditionalism mediate this relationship.
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METHODS |
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). The NSFH used a national stratified, multistage area probability sample collected from both metropolitan and nonmetropolitan areas (Sweet & Bumpass, 1996). The NSFH is a nationally representative sample of adults, all of whom were asked about their relationships with their living parents (Wave II n = 10,008). The NSFH2 provides the best opportunity to study regional differences in parent–adult-child relations for two reasons. First, because regional differences have become more muted across time (Powers et al., 2003; Twenge, 1997), we wanted to use the most recent data available; thus, NSFH2 was preferable to NSFH1. Additionally, given the concern with recency, NSFH3 might have been the most ideal for our study; however, the substantial attrition between T2 and T3 reduced the number of respondents with living parents below the threshold we believed was reasonable for analysis.
The subsample for the present study included all members of the original sample with (a) mothers alive and older than age 65 and (b) data on both contact and closeness with mothers (n = 2,502). The analysis focused on parent–child relations from the adult child's perspective. We chose to focus on mothers rather than both parents because in families in which parents were alive and living together, the NSFH2 asked adult children about their contact with mothers only. Because contact with mothers and fathers, even when coresidential, differs substantially (Lawton, Silverstein, & Bengtson, 1994), we felt that it would be inappropriate to use contact with mothers as a surrogate for contact with fathers.
Sample Characteristics
Characteristics of adult children
The respondents were between the ages of 25 and 79 (M = 45.4, SD = 8.7). In all, 66% were married. With regard to education, 11% had less than a high school education, 32% had a high school diploma or equivalent, 19% had some college, and 38% were college graduates. A total of 60% were women. Finally, 81% were White, 13% were Black, and 6% were non-White Hispanic.
Characteristics of mothers
The mothers were between the ages of 65 and 101 (M = 73.6, SD = 7.0). In all, 45% were married, and 46% were widowed. With regard to education, 37% had less than a high school education, 40% had a high school diploma or equivalent, 11% had some college, and 12% were college graduates.
Dependent Variables
The respondents were asked about multiple aspects of their relationships with their mothers. For the purposes of this article, we used measures of frequency of contact and closeness with mothers. Contact was measured by two questions asking how many times during the past 12 months the respondent had seen his or her mother or communicated by letter or phone with her. Answers to these questions ranged on a 6-point scale, where 0 = not at all and 5 = more than once a week. We used these two questions to create a single contact measure. To do this, we used the highest response to either measure as the respondent's score. Thus, for example, if a respondent reported that she had seen her mother once a month and also reported that she had spoken to her mother on the phone more than once a week, we assigned her a score of 5 on the combined item. Closeness was measured by the following question: "Taking all things together, on a scale from 0 to 10, where 0 is really bad and 10 is absolutely perfect, how would you describe your relationship with your mother?"
Independent Variables
Region was created by the NSFH using the state in which the respondent resided. Following the lead of the preponderance of research on region (Carter & Borch, 2005; Powers et al., 2003; Twenge, 1997) we compared the South with all other regions combined. States designated by the NSFH as Southern were Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, West Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Arkansas, Oklahoma, Louisiana, and Texas. It is important to note that prior to making a final decision regarding our analytic approach, we conducted a set of analyses in which we compared the South to each of the other regions available in the NSFH (Northeast, Midwest, and West); we found that the findings mirrored those comparing the South to all other regions combined.
Traditionalism was assessed using two different constructs: gender ideology and religious participation. Previous work using the NSFH has included these constructs (Sarkisian, Gerena, & Gerstel, 2006). The gender ideology scale consisted of four items measuring the respondent's agreement (on a 5-point Likert scale) with the following statements: (a) It is much better for everyone if the man earns the main living and the woman takes care of the home and family, (b) preschool children are likely to suffer if their mother is employed, (c) it is all right for mothers to work full time when their youngest child is younger than 5 years, and (d) both the husband and the wife should contribute to family income (
=.69 in the subsample used in this study).
Religious participation was measured by frequency of attendance: 0 = never, 1 = less than once a month, 2 = once a month, 3 = twice a month, 4 = three times a month, 5 = once a week, 6 = more than once a week.
Control Variables
We included six controls that have been found to affect relations between parents and adult children—gender, race, proximity, child's marital status, child's age, and child's educational attainment. Respondent's gender was coded 0 = male and 1 = female. Respondent's race was measured by three binary variables: Black, Hispanic, and White. White was the comparison category throughout the analysis. Proximity was measured in distance the child lived from the mother. Categories were (a) less than 1 mile, (b) 1 to 14 miles, (c) 15 to 29 miles, (d) 30 to 59 miles, (e) 60 to 119 miles, (f) more than 120 miles away. Marital status was assessed as 1 = married or 0 = not married. Child's age was measured in years. Respondent's educational attainment was assessed as 1 = less than high school graduate, 2 = high school graduate, 3 = some college, and 4 = college graduate.
Statistical Analysis
We used ordinary least squares regression to assess the relationship between region and contact, and between region and closeness, between respondents and their mothers. We created interaction terms for region and gender as well as for region and race in order to test for subgroup variations by child's gender and race. We ran analyses using SPSS Version 14.
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RESULTS |
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The control variables were related to closeness as expected based on other studies of parent–child relations using the NSFH. Adult children who were married, less educated, and Black also reported greater closeness with mothers.
Region and Contact
The right-hand columns in Table 1 present the analysis of factors associated with contact with mothers. The findings indicate that Southerners had more contact with their mothers than did adult children in other regions (Model 3). This relationship remained even when we included measures of traditionalism in the equation (Model 4).
Again, consistent with other analyses using NSFH data, daughters, younger children, children with higher levels of education, and children who lived closer to their mothers had greater contact.
Because studies have shown intergenerational affect and contact to differ by race and gender, we thought it was important to examine whether the patterns presented here were affected by these factors. In separate analyses, we included interaction terms for both race and child's gender. None of these analyses revealed any differences in the effects of region by race or gender.
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DISCUSSION |
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Contrary to our expectations, the analysis did not indicate that regional differences in contact and closeness could be explained by traditionalism. Although the original associations were reduced, the reductions were small and insignificant. This pattern of findings provides strong support for several scholars' assertion that Southern culture is a broader constellation of social attitudes and behaviors than can be captured by specific concepts such as gender-role attitudes or religiosity. Although most research has emphasized these components of regional differences, writers about the South have argued that Southern culture goes beyond such specific issues to a broader conscientiousness held by Southerners regarding their distinctive perspective (Hackney, 2005; Hurlbert, 1989; J. Reed, 2004; J. S. Reed, 1972, 1993). Specifically, many authors have argued that a distinctive Southern culture persists despite increases in education and industrialization in the South (Hurlbert, 1989; Hurlbert & Bankston, 1998; Kulinski, Cobb, & Gilens, 1997; J. S. Reed, 1972, 1993). We believe that perhaps our findings can be interpreted as suggesting that stronger intergenerational relations are a component of Southern culture rather than a separate phenomenon that can be explained by other dimensions of this cultural phenomenon. In fact, greater emphasis on parent–adult-child closeness and contact would be highly consistent with the roles of both traditionalism and sociability in Southern culture. Furthermore, if intergenerational solidarity is a component of Southern culture, we would not expect that including other dimensions of this culture would substantially weaken the relationship between region and family cohesion.
We recognize that the present study is limited both by the range of dimensions of intergenerational relations and by the particular measures available. We hope that future research will shed additional light on the issue of regional differences in intergenerational relations, including other dimensions of solidarity such as support and attitude similarity. We also hope that scholars will replicate the present study using other measures of affect. We believe that the measures available in the NSFH may account for the relatively low variance explained in our models. For example, the amount of variance explained using more sensitive measures of closeness has been found to be greater than that using the NSFH measure (Suitor & Pillemer, 2006).
We hope that future studies will examine whether the patterns of regional differences shown here are mirrored in adult children's relationships with their fathers. We posit that the patterns of greater closeness to mothers than fathers may differ in the South, particularly for sons. Some of the components of Southern culture, such as an increased emphasis on hunting and contact sports (cf. J. S. Reed, 1972, 1993), are traditionally male activities that might increase closeness and contact between fathers and their adult sons (Nydegger & Mitteness, 1991), thus muting the pattern of closer mother–son than father–son bonds generally shown in the literature (Kaufman & Uhlenberg, 1998; Lawton et al., 1994).
In summary, this study contributes to a growing literature indicating that there continues to be a distinct culture in the South compared to other regions of the country (Hurlbert, 1989; Hurlbert & Bankston, 1998; Kulinski et al., 1997; J. S. Reed, 1972, 1993; Suitor, Minyard, & Carter, 2001; Suitor & Reavis, 1995). Although traditionalism is a component of this cultural difference (Powers et al., 2003; Suitor et al., 2001), the fact that regional differences in adult children's relationships with their mothers remain even after controlling on other dimensions of traditionalism suggests that Southern culture extends beyond merely more traditional attitudes regarding gender and religion. In fact, we suggest that greater intergenerational cohesion may be yet another component of this cultural phenomenon. Finally, we believe that the findings we have presented make a case for including region in studies of intergenerational relations whenever this information is available.
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Acknowledgments |
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Footnotes |
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Received for publication March 12, 2007. Accepted for publication July 9, 2007.
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