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Casino Gambling Among Urban Elders: Just Another Social Activity?

Institute of Gerontology, Wayne State University, Detroit, Michigan.

Address correspondence to Dr. Rochelle Zaranek, Institute of Gerontology, Wayne State University, 87 E. Ferry, 226 Knapp Bldg., Detroit, MI 48202. E-mail: r.zaranek{at}wayne.edu

	Abstract

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Objectives. This study explored older adults' attitudes about a range of activities and determined characteristics associated with casino participation. Activity theory was used as conceptual framework to examine casino gambling as a newer social activity and to identify characteristics related to gambling behavior among elders.

Methods. The sample consisted of 1,410 randomly selected participants, aged 60 and older, who reside in the city of Detroit. Through the use of a cross-sectional analyses, selected variables tested with casino visits included health, demographics, social activities, senior optimism, opinions about casinos, transportation, and social support network.

Results. Bivariate associations revealed that sociodemographic variables such as income, age, education, marriage, and transportation were significantly associated with casino participation. Additional factors associated with casino visitation included positive attitudes about casinos, social support network, and enjoying a variety of other "active" activities.

Discussion. The results of this study supported the theoretical perspective underlying the basis of this project. Although not a favorite activity, gambling is among several types of social activities in which older adults do participate. Results suggest further investigation of how casino activities relate to mental health and other leisure activities.

TWO growth trends are colliding: gambling and the graying of America. Today, some form of gambling is available in 47 states, whereas casino gambling has expanded in 28 states. Moreover, in 1996, Americans bet more than $500 billion on legalized gambling pursuits (United Way of Michigan, 1999). Specifically, the number of senior casino visits has doubled since 1975, a rate far surpassing any other age group (American Gaming Association, 2001). With the recent expansion of casinos to the Detroit area, there is a greater opportunity for urban elders to participate in this type of social activity. Recent statistics indicate that Detroit's three casinos have taken in an estimated $4.12 billion since 1999 (Lam, 2004). Because Detroit is currently the largest city in the United States with casino gambling (United Way of Michigan, 1999), it provided an ideal setting in which to study factors that influence older adults to gamble.

Past research has focused on younger age cohorts and the consequences, usually negative, of gambling behavior. More recently, exploratory research has begun to examine older adults and gambling as a standard recreational behavior (Aasved & Schaefer, 1995). Current studies propose that older adults are drawn to casinos for the social aspect (American Gaming Association, 2001; Hope & Havir, 2002; McNeilly & Burke, 2001), which may or may not have positive effects. The objectives of the current study were to explore older adults' attitudes about a range of activities and to determine characteristics associated with casino participation. This research employed activity theory (Havinghurst, 1963, 1968) as a conceptual framework to examine casino gambling as a social activity and to identify variables related to gambling behavior among older adults. Based on the general premise of activity theory and findings from recent studies, the purpose of this study is not only to provide additional information about elders and their gaming participation but to inform our understanding of motive and meaning in the wake of this social phenomenon.

	THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE

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Activity Theory as a Framework to Explore Activities Among Older Adults
Activity theory asserts that aging individuals who have engaged in a variety of social activities throughout their lives are likely to continue to be actively involved as they age (Havinghurst, 1963, 1968; Neugarten, Havinghurst, & Tobin, 1968; Rosow, 1985; Singleton, Forbes, & Agwani, 1993). Older adults who sustained an active lifestyle would have greater life satisfaction (Bengston, 1969; Lemon, Bengston, & Peterson, 1972). As noted by Longino and Kart (1982), one's attitude and expectations about an activity, or disengagement, may be more important than one's formal participation patterns. Moreover, activity theory assumes that older people may need or prefer high levels of social activity but overlooks variations in the meaning of particular activities in the lives of older people.

Activity theory offered a conceptual justification underlying many programs for the elderly, influencing the passage of the Older Americans Act (OAA) in 1965 (Passuth & Bengston, 1988). Ironically, the OAA funds those same senior centers where the favored activity today is casino trips. Thus, although it is evident that activity theory has been used to explain older adults' activity patterns, few studies have shown support for activity theory (Beck & Page, 1988; Steincamp and Kelly, 1985). Notwithstanding, Hooyman and Kiyak (2002) point out that although some aging theories have not been adequately tested, these theories assist with the explanation of adjustment to the aging process. It is evident that activity theory has been used to explore a range of activities over the years and will guide our understanding of gambling as a newer activity among older adults.

The value placed by older people on being active, as well as the level of activity, most likely varies with their life experiences and previous activity patterns (Atchley, 1997). Activity theory promotes an active lifestyle, and older adults in today's society experience a range of new activities (Novak, 1997), including casino gambling. Given the wider range of social activities and the extension of the "third age," leisure preferences of older adults may show greater variety than in past years. Current activities serve to help maintain ties with others, while certain activities provide new sources of personal meaning for each individual (Moody, 2002). Adults often establish core activities throughout their life course; however, aging may modify their engagement over time (Kelly, 1993). With age-related role changes, such as retirement or widowhood, and structural changes in society, such as the rapid growth of casino venues, there are new opportunities for elders to socialize. As adults' interests develop over time, they become more selective about how they spend their time and energy (Hooyman & Kiyak, 2002). How people perceive their type of activity could have some affect on how they perceive their quality in life. Further, one's physiologic status and ability to interact socially have a bearing on one's level or type of activity (Khullar & Reynolds, 1990). Thus, individuals may remain active into their later life based on their past lifestyle, whereas individuals who were less active in their earlier life may sustain an inactive lifestyle.

The choice of an activity is often a preference and persists over time; however, aging and associated changes can affect the type or frequency of activity (Atchley & Barusch, 2004). Activities that are valued and thought of as contributing to society have been found to be positively related to life satisfaction and mental well-being (Riddick & Stewart, 1994). Factors such as education, income, health, social status, and individual differences influence the variation in levels of activities (Atchley & Barusch, 2004; Singleton et al., 1993; Steinkamp & Kelly, 1985), whereas attitudes toward aging account for older adults' interest in specific types of recreation (Atchley & Barusch, 2004; Hooyman & Kiyak, 2002; Novak, 1997). Improved incomes and health and new attitudes toward aging account for more active recreation and new leisure activity pursuits (Novak, 1997). Conversely, declining health and inadequate income limit participation in leisure activities, whereas individual differences, such as gender, contribute to choice of activities. As long as activities remain accessible, individuals will continue doing what they deem worthwhile and meaningful as long as they can (Moody, 2002). Other factors influencing activity patterns include adults' living arrangements, transportation, socioeconomic status, physical capacity, attitudes, and values, all of which may disrupt or reduce activities for older adults (Hooyman & Kiyak, 2002). On the other hand, individuals with decreased health and physiologic functioning can maintain optimal quality of life by modifying their community and organizational activities. As stated by Atchley (1999), "Despite significant changes in health, functioning, and social circumstances, a large portion of older adults show considerable consistency over time in their patterns of thinking, activity profiles, living arrangements, and relationships" (p. 1).

Background of Older Adults and Casino Gambling Studies
Gambling research has explored the consequences of gambling behavior rather than focusing on gambling as a recreational activity or a leisure pursuit (Cotte, 1997). Other research focuses on motivations behind gambling behavior, which in turn may affect how people gamble (McPherson, 1983). For example, age may influence one's motivations for gambling. Younger adults are interested in increasing their financial rewards and are willing to take risks when gambling. Conversely, older adult gamblers are less competitive and motivated more to maintain social relationships as opposed to gambling for the experience or money. Older adults may define casino activity not as a risky behavior but as a socially acceptable pastime in which they enforce deliberate boundaries to risk taking (Abt & McGurrin, 1992). Behaviors and attitudes toward gambling present conflicting views about the appropriateness and suitability of casino gambling between seniors and younger members of society (Hope & Havir, 2002). The perspective that casino gambling was an inappropriate behavior for older adults was consistent with the earlier view that age norms are so embedded in our culture that specific behaviors were viewed as inappropriate (Hagstead & Neugarten, 1985). Activities deemed suitable for older adults in our culture, at least in the recent past, were based on long-established ideas that older people obtain enjoyment from more passive types of activities. Consequently, casino gambling was not socially classified as a suitable activity for older adults.

What influences older people's decision to gamble? Following the vast expansion of casinos in recent years, McNeilly and Burke (2001) conducted one of the first studies to examine gambling as a social activity among adults aged 65 and older. Their subjects were those who participated in sponsored organized activities in the eastern areas of Nebraska. Mail survey questionnaires completed by activity directors of residential and assisted care facilities and senior and retirement centers indicated that casino gambling was the most highly frequented day trip–type social activity for the 6,957 seniors served by the centers represented in the study. Further, gambling was found to be the most patronized type of activity among 11 types of social activities for older adults. The authors suggest that casino gambling may have replaced other social activities in past years owing to the increased availability of, and access to, casinos. Moreover, these trips offer older adults a form of new entertainment, excitement, and new opportunities to recreate in ways they may not have in the past.

Hope and Havir (2002) found participants in their gambling study view casino activity as a socially acceptable pastime and considered gambling a matter of personal choice. In their study of older adult Minnesotans, 146 mail questionnaires were completed, and 22 in-person interviews were conducted; respondents discussed their attitudes toward gambling, their previous experiences with gambling, why they went to casinos, how much they spent, what they did there, and if they had a gambling problem. Results show the majority of these seniors set a budget before going to the casino and defined this type of activity as compatible with their current lifestyle that emphasizes enjoyment of old and new activities with family and friends. Thus, it is the personal history that enables older adults to see casino activity as social rather than as a risk. Although this study uses a small convenience sample of older adults, the results reveal issues of interest for further study, including the idea that casino attendance is socially beneficial and nonproblematic for most seniors.

Volberg (2003) recently conducted a telephone survey among 1,260 residents, aged 55 and older, to assess the gambling behaviors among Florida seniors. The majority of respondents reported that that they have participated in one or more gambling activities throughout their lifetime. Twenty-five percent of those surveyed reported that they gamble weekly, while an additional 40% have gambled in the last year. As noted in the study, retirees account for 34% of all casino gamblers who visit more than four times annually. The infrequent gamblers were most likely to be female, Hispanic or Black, and widowed, whereas the monthly and weekly gamblers were most likely to be male, White, and married. Frequent gamblers were most likely to say that entertainment and fun are important reasons to gamble, whereas almost half of all gamblers in Florida reported that gambling at the casino is their favorite type of gambling.

Is gambling participation a healthy social activity for older adults? The possibility of gambling as a health benefit is empirically limited; however, it has been theorized that gambling could be classified in terms of its psychological benefits. Korn and Shaffer (1999) discuss the potential health benefits of gambling as people tend to make healthy adaptations in their lives. Similar to other forms of leisure entertainment, going to a casino or racetrack could offer a healthy change from the demands of daily life or social isolation, which could be vital for some older adults. The authors further suggest that gambling may also provide a sense of connectedness and socialization. Older adults have been found to gamble to relax, to get away for the day, to avoid boredom, and to be a part of the action (McNeilly & Burke, 2001). Gambling affects the emotional, intellectual, physical, and social dimensions of a person's health, which provide the basis to explore its health benefits (Shaffer & Korn, 2002).

Finally, in a recent cross-sectional study examining gambling activity and health, mental health, and social support, Vander Bilt, Dodge, Pandav, Shaffer, and Ganguli (2004) found that, among a Pennsylvania community cohort of 1,016 older adults, recreational gambling participation was associated with greater social support, better self-rated health, and lower depression scores. The authors suggested that gambling in certain forms (the state lottery) and contexts (going to the racetrack and charitable bingo) could have benefits. Among these older Pennsylvanians, gambling may offer a forum of social support and serve as a collective community activity. Based on the few recent studies that explore gambling as a social activity among elders, it is evident that participation in casino gambling holds positive social and psychological outcomes for many.

Research Purpose and Questions
The general purpose of this study was to provide additional information about older adults and their participation in various activities, including gambling. It is important to understand the various factors behind the increased participation among this age group. Social experiences such as spending time with friends and family, physical and mental health, demographic factors, involvement in other activities, and one's attitude about gambling have all contributed to older adults' participation in activities, including casino gambling. Based on the general premise of activity theory and the realm of recent casino gambling research, the following research questions were asked:

1. How are sociodemographic factors such as income, educational attainment, age, gender, marital status, and transportation associated with casino visits?
   
2. How is participation in a variety of (other) social activities associated with casino visits?
   
3. How are social support network, self-rated health, mental health, and greater senior optimism associated with the frequency of casino visits?
   
4. How are positive attitudes toward casinos associated with casino visits?
   

	METHODS

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Data used for this research analysis are from the 2001 Detroit City-Wide Needs Assessment of Older Adults (Chapleski, 2002). This study included 1,410 noninstitutionalized adults aged 60 and older residing in the city. The study used a dual-mode stratified sample and addressed a number of topics important to the living conditions of older persons. The purpose of this project was to research the environmental conditions and needs of older adults. In general, questions were asked about housing, health, transportation, and service utilization. Also included in the survey were questions related to the casino use in Detroit, including attitudes about casinos, frequency of casino visits, and a standardized tool to assess the risk of pathologic gambling among this population. This data set provides information with which to analyze the expected relationships.

With use of a random digit dial telephone and area probability face-to-face interviews, the stratified sample targeted 140 participants from each of the 10 Community Reinvestment (Planning) Sectors neighborhood area clusters. The final random digit dial sample totaled 1,310 participants, with an additional 100 participants from the face-to-face supplement. Poststratified sampling weights were developed to compensate for the different probabilities of selection. The sampling weights were used in all analyses in this research study to yield unbiased estimates for the survey population. This process guarantees that all areas of the city of Detroit are represented in the research analyses in proportion to the total population of eligible respondents. To test the research questions, data analysis took place utilizing SPSS (Chicago, IL). Univariate analysis is in the form of descriptive statistics. Bivariate relationships between frequency of casino visits and the independent variables were examined using cross-tabulations and Pearson chi-square statistics to test for significance. Because of our multiple comparisons, 15 in total, we used the Bonferroni correction to control the probability of Type I error, reducing the level of significance to = 0.003.

Dependent Variable
The dependent variable is casino visits. The frequency of casino visits was self-reported and categorized into the following three groups: 1 = never; 2 = rarely to a few times a year; 3 = monthly or more.

Independent Variables
Variables that were explored as they relate to casino visits include demographics such as age, gender, level of education, income, and marital status. Additional variables examined were transportation, self-rated health, mental health, social activities, social support network, senior optimism, and opinions about the casinos.

• Age was coded into three age cohorts: 1 = 85+; 2 = 75–84; 3 = 60–74.
  
• Marital status was coded into three variables: 1 = married; 2 = widowed; and 3 = single (never married, separated, or divorced).
  
• Gender was measured as follows: 0 = female; 1 = male.
  
• Education was coded into three categories: 1 = < high school graduate; 2 = high school graduate; 3 = post high school.
  
• Income was dichotomized into two categories: 0 = under $20,000; 1 = over $20,000. To reduce missing values on income from 317 to 206, individuals who reported Supplemental Security Income as their main income and/or had Medicaid were imputed as "under $20,000."
  
• Transportation was coded as follows: 0 = no household transportation; 1 = has household transportation.
  
• Social support network was constructed from "yes/no" survey questions: 1) does not live alone; 2) have children living < 30 miles away; 3) have children living < 60 miles away; 4) have a friend or relative you feel close to; 5) once weekly or more have contact with children; and 6) once weekly or more have contact with friends or relatives. The scale ranging from 0–6 was coded as follows: 1 = 0–3 (low); 2 = 4 (medium); 3 = 5–6 (high).
  
• Senior optimism was evaluated by the following question: "Some people say that being a senior citizen is the best time of your life. Do you: (1) strongly disagree; (2) somewhat disagree; (3) neither agree nor disagree; (4) somewhat agree; or (5) strongly agree?" The response was recoded as follows: 0 = disagree; 1 = neutral; 2 = agree.
  
• Social activities were evaluated based on a principal components factor analysis of 13 social activity items, subject to a varimax rotation. For each activity (13 total), the question was: "Thinking about how you spend your time, could you tell me how much you enjoy doing (activity is named)?" The responses were as follows: (1) a lot; (2) a little; (3) not at all; or (4) unable to participate. A factor analysis produced three separate factors that were labeled as active activities, passive activities, and gambling activities. The active social activities were those that required individuals to leave their home to participate. Only the active social activities factor was utilized. The active factor score was computed and dichotomized using the mean (zero) as the cut point. Scores falling below the mean were coded as follows: 0 = low number of activities enjoyed doing; 1 = high number of activities enjoyed doing.
  
• Mental health status was measured by the Short Form 12 (SF-12) Health Status Survey. The SF-12 is a multipurpose generic measure of health and mental health status. Ware, Kosinski, and Keller (1998) report that in test–retest reliability scores for the Physical and Mental Health Summary, measures were.89 and.76, respectively. The SF-12 Standardized Mental Component score was calculated and then coded as follows: 1 = poor; 2 = fair; 3 = good.
  
• Physical health was measured by the following self-rated health item: "In general, would you say your health is: 1 = poor; 2 = fair; 3 = good; 4 = very good; or 5 = excellent?" The responses were coded as follows: 1 = poor/fair; 2 = good; 3 = very good/excellent.
  
• Opinions about the casinos include five statements related to casinos in Detroit and shown in Table 1. The respondent was asked to reply "agree," "disagree," or "don't know" for each of the following statements: (1) "The primary reason people go to casinos is to socialize"; (2) "The majority of people who go to casinos are seniors"; (3) "Detroit casinos are safe"; (4) "Seniors on a fixed income shouldn't go to casinos"; and (5) "Casinos are good for Detroit." The responses were coded as follows: 1 = disagree; 2 = don't know; 3 = agree.
  

	RESULTS

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The second question asked how participation in a variety of other social activities was associated with casino visits. Social activities was associated with casino visits (² = 26.50, p <.001). A combined 86.5% of those individuals who enjoy doing a variety of other activities either never, or rarely, visit the casino in comparison with those who visit monthly or more. Only 13.4% of those respondents who enjoy doing a high number of other activities visited the casino monthly or more. This finding is consistent with the previously noted ranking of activities enjoyed most. Among 13 different types of social activities, going to the casino was ranked as one of the least favorite activities enjoyed.

The third question asked how social support network, self-rated health, mental health, and greater senior optimism were associated with casino visitation. Social support network was associated with casino visits (² = 32.523, p <.001). Participants who reported a higher social support network were less likely to visit the casino than individuals who reported a lower social support network. Although self-rated health was not associated with casino visits, mental health was associated (² = 22.85, p <.001). Those who had poor mental health were twice as likely to frequent casinos monthly or more. Last, senior optimism was not associated with casino visits.

Finally, the fourth research question asked whether more positive attitudes toward casinos were associated with increased casino visits. All five of the attitude questions about casinos were associated with casino visits. First, one's attitude about casinos as a social contact varied by frequency of casino visitation (² = 76.40, p <.001). Participants who have visited the casino were more likely to agree with the statement "The primary reason people go to the casino is to socialize." Second, one's perception of casinos as a place for older adults was associated with frequency of casino visitation (² = 112.50, p <.001). Individuals who visited the casino either rarely or never were more likely to disagree with the statement "The majority of people who go to casinos are seniors." Third, one's perception of casinos being safe was associated with frequency of casino visitation (² = 169.23, p <.001). Respondents who had visited the casinos were more likely to agree with the statement "Detroit casinos are safe." Fourth, one's attitude about participation and fixed income were associated with frequency of casino attendance (² = 62.22, p <.001). Individuals who never had visited the casinos were more likely to agree with the statement "Seniors on a fixed income shouldn't go to the casino." Last, one's attitude toward casinos in Detroit was associated with frequency of casino visitation (² = 111.33, p <.001). Respondents who had visited the casino were more likely to agree with the statement "Casinos are good for Detroit." The bivariate results between casino visitation and attitudes about the casinos are summarized in Table 1.

	DISCUSSION

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The main purpose of this research was to explore frequency of and motivation for casino visits among a population of older adults living in the city and to question how frequency of visitation is associated with a number of factors including other types of social activities. Among the few studies that have explored this relatively newer social activity, the evidence thus far indicates that the majority of elders who participate in casino gambling can be classified as social gamblers (Hope & Havir, 2002; McNeilly & Burke, 2001). The findings from this study demonstrated that older adults who did visit the casino occasionally also enjoyed a number of other social activities. Participants who scored high on other active types of endeavors were the least likely to be frequent casino goers. Thus, while they might visit occasionally, it was for the social reasons and just one of many activities enjoyed.

A significant minority of our sample did visit a casino monthly or more. There were a number of differences found between this high-frequency visit group and those who went to casinos occasionally or not at all. Those who visited the casino monthly reported enjoying fewer activities overall. In addition, frequent visitors reported poorer mental health and social support. Interestingly, this group also reported the least income and a lack of transportation. This finding may indicate that the casino is filling a space in their lives, perhaps offering a substitute for social support. It may also reflect the nature of casino activity, often viewed as isolating and a poor substitute for social support. Taken together, these results suggest that a significant percentage of older adults who visit a casino frequently enjoy a relatively poorer quality of life than do other older adults.

We found that sociodemographic factors were associated with casino visits. Because casinos are portrayed as being exciting, safe, and inviting for all types of individuals regardless of their social status, it is a place where older adults can go without an escort and feel secure. A cohort effect may be one explanation for the younger-aged elders going to the casino, but also because they may be more open to trying newer activities. Also, casinos are a lower-priced type of activity in comparison with other activities, which may explain why it is so appealing for lower socioeconomic elders. Lack of transportation means did not inhibit casino visitation. Rather, those who did not have transportation frequented casinos monthly or more. These frequent casino goers were most likely shuttled in by the casino. This is a popular incentive provided by the casino industry in general, which would allow for greater access to a casino.

Elders' attitude in favor of the casinos influenced their visitation frequency. Not surprisingly, those who never visited were more likely to be negative about seniors' participation at casinos, suggesting those that do not go also do not approve of their peers gambling. Those who never visited were more likely to have no opinion about whether seniors go or should go or whether casinos are safe. These nonattendees were willing, however, to give an opinion about the effect of casinos on their city, with twice as many (as attendees) disagreeing that "casinos are good for Detroit." Interestingly, those most likely to believe that the casinos are a good thing for the city are those who rarely (less than monthly) visit. Clearly, attitudes are reflected in attendance, and attendance appears to affect attitudes. The entry of casinos into the city was not without contention, and the attitudes expressed by these older adults show continued ambiguity on the parts of these citizens about the acceptance of the casino as a healthy social recreation. Based on these findings, many older adults who enjoy a range of other social activities consider casino gambling as a form of recreational activity.

The overall results of this study supported the theoretical perspective underlying this project. Activity theory contends that older people who are active will be more satisfied than less active older individuals. This study further explored this theory by examining various types of activities enjoyed most and whether those other activities had an effect on casino gambling frequency. We also explored whether or not the older adults in this study believed that being a senior citizen was the best time of their lives and investigated characteristics that contribute to activity participation. Older adults who enjoyed a variety of other social activities were less likely to visit a casino. Although senior optimism was not significantly associated with casino visitation, more than half the sample who agreed that being a senior citizen was the best time of their life either rarely or never visited the casino. These findings imply that this particular group of seniors are enjoying a variety of other social activities and possess a very optimistic view about being a senior.

Limitations of Study
There are several limitations to this study. First, this was a cross-sectional study, and cause and effect should be viewed with caution. Second, this study included a large random sample of adults aged 60 and older who resided in the city of Detroit; therefore, the findings can be generalized only to this specific population. Gambling studies often exclude or underrepresent older adults when exploring gambling behaviors; this study specifically intended to include older individuals. The current gambling literature strongly encourages future research exploring special populations such as older adults and minorities (Korn & Shaffer, 1999; National Research Council, 1999). Although not limited to a specific ethnic culture, this research reflected the de facto racial imbalance in this city of 83% African Americans.

Third, the data used in this study were secondary data. The intention of this research was a needs assessment of adults aged 60 and older who resided in the city of Detroit. This was not strictly a gambling study. Gambling questions were implemented to assess older adults' gambling behaviors and attitudes toward the casinos. Additional gambling questions more closely related to the theoretical perspective may have offered greater ability to test hypotheses. Further, this study did not focus on gambling problems, and we would be remiss if we did not discuss this particular behavior among older adults. Gambling behavior is not all positive, and problems do exist among older adults. As a growing number of older adults have discovered casinos as a place to socialize, gambling disorders are anticipated to increase among older adults because of gambling becoming socially acceptable and more available (McNeilly & Burke, 2002; Shaffer, Hall, & Bilt, 1997). Risk factors and correlates of problem gambling are mental health disorders, perceived poor health status, and stressful life events (Bazargan, Bazargan, & Akanda, 2000; McNeilly & Burke, 2002; Volberg, 2003). Clearly, this is an important area that necessitates more research attention.

Finally, the outcome variable, frequency of casino visits, was extremely skewed. Attempts to transform this variable were unsuccessful, thus limiting multivariate techniques, and it was determined that a bivariate cross-tabular analysis was the most appropriate method to address this issue. As a result, the frequency of casino visits variable was collapsed and recoded, which may have masked findings related to frequency of casino activity.

Conclusions
Because of the vast expansion of casinos nationwide, there is an overwhelming concern about older adults' participation in this type of social activity. While American culture has shown support for the casino industry, there are a number of people who believe older adults should not participate in this type of social activity, although it appears these attitudes are changing as newer cohorts enter the aging network and the casino industry continues to expand. This study not only contributes to the limited research in this area but also supports the premise that older adults going to the casinos do so mainly for social activity. Moreover, it promotes a healthy perspective toward older adults who choose to participate in casino gambling. Older adults who had a positive attitude toward the casinos did not necessarily frequent casinos more often; neither did they shun them. Rather, a large percentage supported them being in the city of Detroit and were not opposed to older adults' participation. We found that these older adults enjoyed a variety of other social activities, and those who did enjoy a greater variety of active activities were less likely to be frequent visitors of casinos, suggesting a substitution effect. However, there is cause for concern, given that those with lower incomes and poor mental health were more likely to be frequent visitors. Perhaps if more attractive alternatives were available, casinos would be less inviting to those for whom it is a problem. Yet, in spite of the increased availability of casinos in Detroit, empirical research shows that most older adults are finding other ways to spend their leisure time.

	Footnotes

 
Decision Editor: Charles F. Longino Jr., PhD

Received for publication February 13, 2004. Accepted for publication August 30, 2004.

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