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RESEARCH ARTICLE |
Department of Sociology and Center for Family and Demographic Research, Bowling Green State University, Ohio.
Address correspondence to Susan L. Brown, Department of Sociology and Center for Family and Demographic Research, Bowling Green State University, 222 Williams Hall, Bowling Green, OH 43403. E-mail: brownsl{at}bgnet.bgsu.edu
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Abstract |
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 TOP Abstract BackgroundMarital Status and Mental...Cohabitation Among Middle-Aged...The Current StudyMethodsResultsDiscussionReferences |
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Methods. We used data from the 1998 Health and Retirement Study (N = 18,598) to examine the relationship between marital status and depressive symptoms among adults over age 50. We also examined gender differences in this association.
Results. We found that cohabitors report more depressive symptoms, on average, than do marrieds, net of economic resources, social support, and physical health. Additional analyses revealed that only among men do cohabitors report significantly higher depression scores. Cohabiting and married women as well as cohabiting men experience similar levels of depression, and all of these groups report levels that are significantly higher than married men's.
Discussion. Our findings demonstrate the importance of accounting for nontraditional living arrangements among persons aged 50 and older. Cohabitation appears to be more consequential for men's than women's depressive symptoms.
FAMILY structures and forms have become increasingly diverse over the last few decades. Americans continue to delay marriage entry, divorce rates remain high, and singlehood and unmarried cohabitation are increasingly common. Although there has been considerable attention to these patterns and their consequences among young and working-age adults (e.g., Espenshade, 1985
; Oppenheimer, 1988; Smock, 2000), comparatively few researchers have investigated the implications of such trends among middle-aged and older adults. Several scholars have noted that a declining share of the older adult population will be married in the future (e.g., Allen, Blieszner, & Roberto, 2000; Cooney & Dunne, 2001; De Jong Gierveld, 2004). As baby boomers age into retirement and adults experience lengthening life expectancies, it is important to examine the consequences of the growing array of living arrangements for the mental health of middle-aged and older adults. We use data from the 1998 Health and Retirement Study (HRS) to evaluate the significance of marital status and living arrangements for depression among adults aged 50 and over. In particular, we extend prior research by including unmarried cohabitors to determine whether intimate partnerships formed outside of marriage offer middle-aged and older adults protective effects similar to those of marriage.
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BACKGROUND |
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), and this affinity is reflected in their behavior. In 1970, there were about 500,000 cohabiting couples, whereas today there are about 5 million (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2001). The modal path to marriage is cohabitation. Indeed, recent declines in marriage are offset by corresponding increases in cohabitation (Bumpass & Lu, 2000).
Apart from the rapid growth in cohabitation, the age structure of the United States is also changing. The number of persons over age 50 increased by 50% between 1970 and 2000 (2000 Census Summary File 1). This population is projected to grow 26% just in the next decade (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2001). Few studies have investigated nontraditional living arrangements among these adults, yet it is anticipated that this group will spend less time in marriage and more time in other family forms such as cohabitation (Cooney & Dunne, 2001). Indeed, Allen and colleagues (2000) assert that "young adults are not the sole innovators in pioneering the changes taking place in family life today" (p. 913). In this context, it is imperative that researchers examine all living arrangements among middle-aged and older adults, including cohabitation.
The growth in cohabitation coupled with the growth in the population over age 50 portends significant increases in cohabitation. Chevan's (1996) estimates from the 1960 and 1990 Censuses suggest that cohabitation among persons aged 60 and older increased from slightly less than 10,000 in 1960 to more than 400,000 in 1990, although these figures are based on indirect measures of cohabitation. The 2000 Census indicates that over 1.2 million persons aged 50 and older are cohabiting. However, a recent review of intimate relationships in older adulthood revealed that there is "no research base on cohabiting unions in later life" (Cooney & Dunne, 2001, p. 853). Indeed, our review of published studies on cohabitation among middle-aged and older people revealed only three (Chevan, 1996; De Jong Gierveld, 2004; Hatch, 1995). The research by Chevan (1996) and Hatch (1995) rely on indirect measures of cohabitation and use data from the 1960–1990 and 1980 Censuses, respectively. Not only do these studies suffer from possible underreporting biases, they are also limited by the narrow range of measures available in the census to predict cohabitation experience. De Jong Gierveld's (2004) study examines sociodemographic determinants of repartnering (i.e., remarriage, cohabitation, or living apart together) among a sample of divorced and widowed middle-aged and older adults in The Netherlands. The robustness of her findings is compromised by both the small number of cohabitors in the sample (N = 69) and the narrow range of predictors of repartnering.
Incorporating cohabitation in studies of marital status and well-being among middle-aged and older adults is important for at least two reasons. First, there are significant demographic processes unfolding that point to an increase in cohabitation among this group. This increase is likely to accelerate in the future as cohabitation has been common among baby boomers and cohabitation levels are actually higher among previously (versus never) married individuals (Bumpass & Lu, 2000; Cooney & Dunne, 2001).
Second, from a theoretical standpoint, cohabitation likely has a unique meaning and plays a different role in the life course of older versus younger adults (Chevan, 1996; Hatch, 1995). The motivations for cohabitation among middle-aged and older persons are likely to differ from those of young adults, and thus the implications of cohabitation for the mental health of middle-aged and older adults also may be distinct. Unlike their younger counterparts, older adults—especially women—may not be as interested in marriage (Bulcroft & Bulcroft, 1991; Bulcroft, Bulcroft, Hatch, & Borgatta, 1989; Chevan, 1996; De Jong Gierveld, 2004; Hatch, 1995; Talbott, 1998). Indeed, unmarried adults over age 60 are as likely to express an interest in cohabiting as they are in eventually getting married (Bulcroft & Bulcroft, 1991). Additionally, the disincentives for marriage are larger among middle-aged and older adults as they are especially likely to have economic resources whose value may be diluted or compromised through marriage.
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MARITAL STATUS AND MENTAL HEALTH |
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; Gove, Style, & Hughes, 1990; Lamb, Lee, & DeMaris, 2003; Lee, Seccombe, & Shehan, 1991; Mirowsky & Ross, 1989; Rogers 1995; Ross, 1995). Moreover, it seems the positive benefits that accrue to marrieds are not merely an artifact of selection of the physically and mentally healthy into marriage (e.g., Gove et al., 1983, 1990; Hughes & Gove, 1981; Ross, Mirowsky, & Goldsteen, 1991; although for an exception, see Mastekaasa, 1992). Instead, marrieds' greater economic resources and access to an intimate partner account for much of their advantage in psychological well-being (Hughes & Gove, 1981).
Cohabitors are more depressed than their married counterparts, on average (Brown, 2000; Horwitz & White, 1998; Lamb et al., 2003). The higher levels of depression among cohabitors versus marrieds reflect the greater instability characterizing cohabiting relationships (Brown, 2000). Nonetheless, cohabitors tend to report lower levels of depression and higher levels of happiness than singles (Kurdek, 1991). Whether these patterns are evident among middle-aged and older adults is unknown; we are not aware of any study of depressive symptoms in this population that explicitly examines cohabitors. To help formulate a framework for understanding the mental health of middle-aged and older cohabitors, we draw on the research that addresses the associations between marital status and depressive symptoms in later adulthood.
Research on mental health among middle-aged and older adults has emphasized the consequences of widowhood, an experience that is especially common among women (Lee, Willetts, & Seccombe, 1998; Umberson, Wortman, & Kessler, 1992). Widowed persons are more depressed, on average, than their married and single counterparts, and these marital status differences are larger among men than women (Cooney & Dunne, 2001; Lee et al., 1998, 2001; Umberson et al., 1992). This gender gap is a function of fewer social ties, more health problems, and a reluctance to ask for help that characterize many widowers. The divorced report levels of depression that are similar to those of the widowed, which is not surprising when we consider the deleterious effects divorce can have on the accumulation of economic resources and the maintenance of social and familial ties (Cooney & Dunne, 2001; Hyman, 1983). Notably, never marrieds exhibit fewer depressive symptoms than their divorced and widowed counterparts, although their levels of depression are somewhat higher than marrieds'. As most never marrieds do not have children, family support tends to be weak, but this is offset by extensive friendship networks (Cooney & Dunne, 2001).
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COHABITATION AMONG MIDDLE-AGED AND OLDER ADULTS |
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; Lee et al., 1998, 2001; Umberson et al., 1992). We review the literature on how middle-aged and older cohabitors fare across these domains relative to other marital status groups to help us formulate hypotheses about how depression among cohabitors compares with that of persons with other marital statuses.
Economic Resources
Chevan's (1996) analysis of cohabitation among older unmarried adults (aged 60 and over) reveals that the poor and near poor are more likely to be cohabiting than their nonpoor counterparts. The association between men's employment and cohabitation is unclear. Whereas Chevan (1996) finds that labor force participation is positively associated with cohabitation among men, Hatch's (1995) analysis of 1980 Census data indicates that cohabiting men are less likely to be working and have smaller incomes than either married or single men. Among women, cohabitors have higher levels of employment than marrieds or singles. Cohabiting women earn more than single women but less than married women. Other economic factors associated with cohabitation include renting (versus owning) a home and receipt of entitlement income (Hatch, 1995). If cohabitors have fewer economic resources than marrieds, they will likely report more depressive symptoms.
Social Support
Social support is a key coping resource that helps to buffer stressful life events and experiences by promoting social integration. It appears that social support promotes the formation of intimate partnerships. Widows with close friends are more desirous of forming a new partnership than those without close friends (Talbott, 1998). And organizational participation among older unmarrieds is positively associated with dating (Bulcroft & Bulcroft, 1991). Studies comparing the social support experienced by cohabitors versus marrieds show that cohabitors report less support (Stets, 1991). Weaker ties to others may contribute to reports of higher levels of depressive symptoms among cohabitors relative to marrieds. We anticipate that cohabitors will report fewer depressive symptoms than their unpartnered (i.e., widowed, separated/divorced, and never married) counterparts primarily because single persons lack the social support that intimate partners provide.
Physical Health
Relative to marriage, cohabitation may be selective of individuals in worse health. Poor health may make one less attractive as a potential spouse, relegating less healthy individuals to a cohabiting union, which requires a weaker commitment from a partner. Hatch (1995) found that among older men, poor health is positively associated with cohabitation versus remaining single. This finding is consistent with Talbott's (1998) contention that women do not wish to take on the burden of caregiving that marriage at older ages often entails for women, who are expected to be family caretakers, particularly when men's traditional familial obligation, namely, economic provision, ends in old age. Moreover, poor health can increase stress in intimate relationships (Booth & Johnson, 1994) and is also associated with depression. Little is known about the physical health of cohabitors, but to the extent that it is tied to economic standing and related to attractiveness on the marriage market, we anticipate that cohabitors probably report poorer health than marrieds; this difference would partially account for their higher levels of depression.
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THE CURRENT STUDY |
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). To test these hypotheses, we estimate a series of equations that initially model the association between marital status and depressive symptoms and then subsequently add respondents' ascribed demographic characteristics and finally these central factors related to older adult depression, including economic resources, social support, and physical health, to determine the extent to which we can account for variation in depression.
We also expect that cohabitation will be associated with higher levels of depression among women than men. Women tend to report more depressive symptoms than men, regardless of union status (Gove, Style, & Hughes, 1990; Mirowksy & Ross, 1995). Marriage appears to offer greater protective benefits for men as there are larger marital status differences in depression among men than women. Whereas unpartnered women's mental health is often compromised by economic strain, unpartnered men's mental health is undermined by low levels of social support (Cooney & Dunne, 2001). We investigate the role of gender in the marital status and depression relationship by evaluating the significance of a marital-status-by-gender interaction effect and estimating separate models for women and men.
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METHODS |
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Measures
Depression
We use a nine-item depression scale that includes items from the Center for Epidemiologic Studies—Depression Scale (Radloff, 1977). Respondents are asked to report whether "much of the time during the past week you..." (1) felt depressed, (2) felt everything you did was an effort, (3) felt your sleep was restless, (4) were happy (reverse coded), (5) felt lonely, (6) enjoyed life (reverse coded), (7) felt sad, (8) couldn't get going, and (9) had a lot of energy (reverse coded). Responses were coded 1 for yes and 0 for no. Values on the scale range from 1 to 10 (we added 1 to each respondent's overall score to avoid zero values), with higher values indicating more depressive symptoms. The Cronbach alpha reliability coefficient for this scale is 0.77.
Marital status
HRS respondents report their marital status at the time of interview. Approximately 2.4% of the sample is cohabiting, yielding 449 cohabitors for analysis. About 64.4% of respondents are married, 10.4% are separated or divorced, 19.7% are widowed, and the remaining 3% are never married. Closer inspection of the cohabiting respondents reveals that a majority are separated or divorced (66%) followed by widowed (21%) and never married (13%).
Economic resources
We include multiple measures of economic resources. Education is coded in years and ranges from 0 (no formal education) to 17 (post college, i.e., 17+ years of education). Household income is a constructed measure in the HRS data set that incorporates bracketed income responses using sophisticated imputation techniques. In the multivariate models, we use logged household income to correct for the skewness of this measure. Employment status is dummy coded as follows: employed full-time (reference), employed part-time, unemployed, and not working. Retirement status indicates whether the respondent is retired. We do not include this measure as part of the employment status variable because many respondents are technically retired but also working in a different job. We also include a series of variables to tap into receipt of various benefits, all of which are coded 1 for receipt and 0 otherwise: Social Security, welfare, veterans' benefits, and a pension.
Social support
Social support is gauged by several measures. Neighborhood friends is coded 1 if the respondent reports having good friends living in the neighborhood and 0 otherwise. Give assistance is a dummy variable coded 1 if the respondent answered affirmatively to this question: "Including help with education but not shared housing or shared food or any deed to a house, did you (or your spouse/partner) give financial help totaling $500 or more to any of your children (or grandchildren)" in the last 2 years? Similarly, receive assistance gauges whether the respondent received at least $500 in financial assistance from a child or grandchild in the last 2 years. Children live within 10 miles is coded 1 for those who report at least one child resides fewer than 10 miles from the respondent and 0 otherwise. Religiosity taps the significance of religion in the respondent's life, ranging from (1) not too important to (3) very important.
Physical health
We use a global measure to capture the respondent's physical health. Respondents were asked: "Would you say your health is excellent, very good, good, fair, or poor?" Values range from 1 to 5, with higher values indicating poorer health.
Ascribed characteristics
We consider the following ascribed characteristics: gender, age, and race/ethnicity. Although they compose only about one-fourth of the elderly population, men account for nearly 60% of cohabitors over age 60 (Chevan, 1996). Men report fewer depressive symptoms, on average, than do women (e.g., Mirowsky & Ross, 1995). We code female 1 for women and 0 for men respondents. Among older unmarrieds, age is negatively associated with cohabitation (Chevan, 1996). Age is also negatively related to depression (Mirowsky & Ross, 1989). Age is coded in years. Cohabitation is especially common among African Americans and Hispanics (Landale & Forste, 1991; Raley, 1996). As the older population becomes more racially and ethnically diverse with the changing composition of our population and the lengthening life expectancies of non-Whites, there is no reason not to expect that these groups will continue to be disproportionately likely to cohabit. African Americans are more likely to reside in cohabiting unions than Whites, but Hispanics do not differ (Chevan, 1996; Hatch, 1995). Race/ethnicity is also associated with depression; non-Whites report more depressive symptoms, on average, than do Whites (Mirowsky & Ross, 1989). Race/ethnicity is dummy coded: non-Hispanic Black, Hispanic, non-Hispanic other, and non-Hispanic White (reference).
Analytic Strategy
Our first step is to describe the weighted means of the variables used in the analyses, emphasizing variation across different marital statuses in depression and other relevant factors. We also examine marital status differences in depression by gender. Next, we estimate a series of ordinary least squares multivariate models of the relationship between marital status and depression. Our first model establishes the bivariate association between marital status and depression. In the second model, we introduce ascribed characteristics including gender, age, and race/ethnicity. The third model includes the explanatory factors: economic resources, social support, and physical health. The fourth model introduces interaction terms for gender and marital status. We also estimate the first three models separately for women and men.
The complex sampling design of the HRS means that the sample is not self-weighting and standard errors need to be adjusted to correct for design effects. Consequently, all descriptive statistics and multivariate analyses that we present have been weighted. Corrected standard errors were calculated using Stata (Stata Corp., College Station, TX).
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RESULTS |
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There are few marital status differences in education, although cohabitors do report significantly higher average education levels than widoweds. About 41% of cohabitors are employed full-time, which is significantly higher than the proportions employed full-time among marrieds, widoweds, and never marrieds. Only about one-third of cohabitors report that they are retired, compared with over 40% of marrieds. Cohabitors are less likely to receive pension benefits than marrieds, divorcees, or widoweds. Cohabitors and marrieds enjoy higher levels of household income than the unpartnered, but cohabitors' incomes are lower, on average, than marrieds'. Levels of social support vary somewhat by marital status such that cohabitors appear to be less likely to report having neighborhood friends, on average, than marrieds, widoweds, and never marrieds. Cohabitors are less likely to give or receive assistance than are either divorced and separateds or never marrieds. The importance of religion is lowest among cohabitors. Self-reported physical health ratings are worse for cohabitors than marrieds, although cohabitors report better health than the widowed and never married.
There are several gender differences in the marital status and depression relationship. Table 2 shows mean levels of depression by union status separately for women and men. Cohabiting women report significantly more depressive symptoms than married women but do not significantly differ from unpartnered women. This pattern suggests that cohabitation does not offer the same protective effects as marriage for women. Similarly, cohabiting men report more depressive symptoms than married men. Additionally, cohabiting men report fewer symptoms than widowers. Among both men and women, cohabitors do not enjoy depression scores as low as marrieds. These patterns are denoted in Table 2 by asterisks. Bolded coefficients indicate significant differences between men and women within a marital status category. Women exhibit more depressive symptoms than men in both cohabiting unions and marriages. Among the unpartnered statuses, there are no significant gender differences in depression scores.
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In Model 4 of Table 3, we examine the significance of the interaction between gender and marital status in the full model. This set of interaction terms does not achieve significance, nor does it offer an improvement in fit over Model 3.
Still, the significant gender differences in depression documented in Table 2 coupled with findings from prior work that indicate some factors are more consequential for women's (e.g., economic resource) than men's (e.g., social support) depression suggest that multivariate models should be estimated separately for women and men. We show these models in Table 4. For women, the first two models (Models 1a and 2a) appear very similar to those reported for the entire sample in Table 3. Cohabiting women report significantly more depressive symptoms than married women but do not significantly differ from divorced, widowed, and never-married women (Model 2a). However, the inclusion of economic resources, social support, and physical health in Model 3a reduces the effect of marriage to nonsignificance. Supplemental analyses revealed that neither economic resources nor social support alone explains the marriage effect, although in combination these factors do attenuate the effect. Physical health by itself is sufficient to explain the marriage effect (p =.16, result not shown), suggesting that married women's lower depression scores reflect better health relative to cohabiting women. This is likely to indicate a selection of healthier women into marriage and less healthy women into cohabitation.
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DISCUSSION |
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; Lamb et al., 2003). Notably, this difference persists even after we account for economic resources, social support, and physical health, all of which vary by union type (i.e., cohabitation vs marriage) and are associated with depression scores. Cohabitors report fewer economic resources, less social support, and poorer physical health, on average, than do marrieds. The average levels of depressive symptoms reported by cohabitors do not appreciably differ from those reported by unpartnereds, including the widowed, divorced or separated, and never married. Our study also reveals important gender differences in the marital status and depression relationship such that marital status appears to be more consequential for men than women. Once we account for variation in economic resources, social support, and particularly physical health, women residing with a partner—whether married or cohabiting—report similar levels of depressive symptoms. Indeed, there are no significant differences in depressive symptoms according to marital status among women once these variables are controlled. Among men, on the other hand, the presence of an intimate partner is not sufficient to reduce depression scores. Instead, whether a man is involved in a cohabiting or marital relationship is pivotal. Married men enjoy significantly lower depression scores than cohabiting men, suggesting that cohabitation does not provide men with the same level of mental health benefits as marriage.
Why does cohabitation appear to operate similar to marriage among women yet seems an inferior substitute for marriage among men? First, married men are the distinct group, reporting significantly fewer depressive symptoms than either cohabiting men or cohabiting or married women. Second, it is possible that men and women view relationships differently. Women may be less interested in marriage than men because of the probability that they will need to provide care to an infirm husband (Talbott, 1998). Men, on the other hand, may anticipate needing the kind of care that wives traditionally provide. Nonetheless, women probably desire the companionship an intimate partner provides without the commitment entailed by formal marriage (Talbott, 1998). Thus, among women, cohabitation may be an attractive alternative to marriage that offers similar benefits without the obligations of traditional, gendered exchange that is expected in marriage. Third, cohabiting men may not receive the same levels of caregiving from their partners as married men do from their spouses. Of course, the observed gender difference in the union type and depression relationship may be an artifact of selection. That is, depressive symptoms may predict marital status. It is impossible for us to sort out cause and effect in this cross-sectional study. Rather, we can report only associations between marital status and depressive symptoms. Ultimately, longitudinal studies are needed to sort out these competing post hoc explanations.
In addition to being unable to account for the possibility of selection, this study has another shortcoming: We are not able to evaluate the role of relationship quality in cohabitors' and marrieds' depression levels. Other research has demonstrated that the lower levels of psychological well-being reported by cohabitors are due largely to their greater perceived relationship instability (Brown, 2000).
To date, the focus of research on middle-aged and older adult well-being has been restricted primarily to the consequences of widowhood. This emphasis has obscured the dramatic shifts in family living arrangements that have occurred among all age groups. Middle-aged and older adults are increasingly likely to be unmarried, and this trend is expected to intensify in the near future as a diverse group of Americans experience a wide array of living arrangements. Our findings demonstrate the importance of accounting for nontraditional living arrangements among persons over age 50. Among women, cohabitors and marrieds report similar depression scores once health is taken into account. In contrast, cohabitation is not equivalent to marriage in terms of mental health among men. Married men enjoy much lower average depression levels than cohabiting men. The next task for future researchers is to determine why men derive fewer mental health benefits from cohabitation than marriage.
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Acknowledgments |
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The authors thank I-Fen Lin and Zhenmei Zhang for helpful feedback on earlier versions of this manuscript.
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Footnotes |
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Received for publication March 24, 2004. Accepted for publication July 28, 2004.
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