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RESEARCH ARTICLE |
a Department of Psychology, University of New Hampshire, Durham
Elizabeth A. L. Stine-Morrow, Department of Educational Psychology, College of Education, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, 210 Education Building MC-708, 1310 South Sixth Street, Champaign, IL 61820-6990 E-mail: eals{at}uiuc.edu.
Decision Editor: Margie E. Lachman, PhD
| Abstract |
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MOST contemporary theories of narrative understanding posit that readers construct not only a proposition-based representation of content called the textbase, but also a situation model or mental model of what the text is about that is constructed by elaborating on the textbase with world or domain knowledge (e.g., Kintsch 1994
, Kintsch 1998
; Zwaan and Radvansky 1998
). There is now a substantial literature suggesting that aging brings declines in the ability to process discourse (see Kemper 1992
, and Wingfield and Stine-Morrow 2000
, for reviews). Until very recently, however, this work has for the most part focused on memory for the textbase, neglecting the situation model. This is unfortunate for three reasons. First, many theorists argue that situation model construction involves the elaboration of text content based on world knowledge (Gerrig 1993
; van Dijk and Kintsch 1983
). Because cognitive aging is often described as a dissociation between fluid abilities (i.e., mental mechanics) that decline, and crystallized abilities (i.e., knowledge- and culture-based products) that are preserved or enhanced, the knowledge-driven aspect of situation model theory makes it an especially appealing construct for cognitive aging research. Second, reliance on textbase measures perhaps underestimates the capabilities for encoding information from text among elderly readers, who may adopt more holistic approaches to text (Adams 1991
; Adams, Smith, Nyquist, and Perlmutter 1997
; Radvansky 1999
). Finally, and perhaps most importantly from a phenomenological perspective, much reading in everyday life serves the function of transporting us to another world in which we become vicarious participants (Gerrig 1993
; Pavel 1986
; Zwaan 1999
), and it is important to know whether aging brings any change in the ability to participate in this "narrative world."
The situation model of a story is thought to be a multidimensional representation of the narrative world (Zwaan, Langston, and Graesser 1995
; Zwaan and Radvansky 1998
), including a sense of place (i.e., existing at the "herenow" point with a character inhabiting the discourse world; e.g., Glenberg, Meyer, and Lindem 1987
; Morrow, Greenspan, and Bower 1987
), as well as a representation of characters' goals (Radvansky and Curiel 1998
), likely actions of a protagonist (Albrecht and O'Brien 1993
), and characters' emotional reactions (Gernsbacher, Goldsmith, and Robertson 1992
). Although the textbase representation appears to be inefficiently (Hartley, Stojack, Mushaney, Annon, and Lee 1994
; Stine and Hindman 1994
) and fragilely (Cohen and Faulkner 1981
; Light and Capps 1986
) constructed among older adults, the mental model has been found to be fairly resilient to the effects of aging (Morrow, Stine-Morrow, Leirer, Andrassy, and Kahn 1997
; Radvansky and Curiel 1998
; Radvansky, Gerard, Zacks, and Hasher 1990
; Soederberg and Stine 1995
). There is even some evidence that older adults particularly depend on situation-based processing (Miller and Stine-Morrow 1998
; Morrow et al. 1997
; Radvansky, Zwaan, Curiel, and Copeland 2001
; Stine-Morrow, Loveless, and Soederberg 1996
), perhaps in some cases as a way of compensating for declines in textbase processes.
| The Spatial Situation Model |
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| Aging and Situation Model Updating |
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There is even some evidence that successful older readers may differentially rely on situation model processing. Morrow and colleagues 1997
manipulated whether or not the location of the object was mentioned in the target sentence. Both younger and older readers slowed down when critical sentences did not explicitly mention the location relative to the case when the object's location was mentioned, suggesting that readers took time to draw this inference. Interestingly, this effect was exaggerated for older adults who were above average in a subsequent measure of comprehension (relative to both the young and below-average elder readers; cf. Morrow et al. 1997
, Figure 3), suggesting that more effective elderly readers allocated attentional resources (as measured by the increment in reading time) to instantiate objects in the situation model.
| Rationale for the Current Study |
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Developmental hypotheses are also suggested. First, to the extent that situation model processing is preserved with aging, we would expect older adults to show the same or an exaggerated distance effect compared with young adults (e.g., Morrow et al. 1997
). Some literature has shown that older adults may have difficulty integrating information across the textbase (e.g., Light and Capps 1986
). If this principle is applicable to situation model updating, we would expect older adults to show a diminished distance effect for new objects because they would be less likely, or less able, to integrate the new objects with the previously learned situation model of the narrative setting. However, if older adults are relatively more oriented toward the situation model, it may be that the failure-to-integrate principle does not apply to situation model processing, and older adults may show an exaggerated distance effect for objects whose spatial location is verbally conveyed in the course of ordinary reading.
| Methods |
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Stimulus Materials
The setting for all of the narratives was a 10-room research center, similar to that used by Morrow and colleagues 1987
. Six narratives were developed for this experiment. They averaged 920 words in length (SD = 81), and contained a mean of 60.3 sentences (SD = 4.1). Mean Flesch-Kincaid grade level was 6.4 (SD = 0.4). In each one, the plot revolved around a different protagonist, providing some motivation for him or her to move about the research center. In the first few paragraphs of each narrative, three new objects were introduced. Each object was initially presented with a modifier and location, then mentioned again explicitly, and finally mentioned implicitly a third time pronominally. Over the course of the rest of the narrative, there were six critical motion sentences, which described a protagonist moving from one room (the source room) to another (the goal room) through an unmentioned (path) room (across the narratives the direction of protagonist movement was varied). Following the motion sentence was a target sentence in which the protagonist was described as mentally interacting with (e.g., remembering, thinking about, wondering about) an object from one of these three locations.
There were two versions of the layout with identical rooms but different objects to allow us to counterbalance the objects across the Learned and New conditions. In the printed layout that the participants memorized, three objects were placed in each room, and during the course of each narrative three new objects were "placed" in three different rooms, so that the maximum number of objects in each room was four. Each participant saw only one version of the layout. An abbreviated sample narrative is presented in A (see B, Note 1). Half of the objects in the target sentences were from the layout as originally memorized (i.e., Learned objects) and half were those introduced in the text (i.e., New objects). Thus, there were six cells in the within-subject design created by factorially combining two levels of Object Type (learned, new) and three levels of Distance from the protagonist (goal, path, source). Each narrative contained one object in each of the six conditions, and across the six narratives, each of the six types of objects appeared in each serial position of the target sentences within the narrative. In this way, target sentences in the different conditions were matched for length, as well as for propositional and syntactic complexity.
Procedure
The entire experimental session lasted about 2 hr. Participants first memorized the layout in which the narrative would take place. They did this by studying the layout for 2 min and then reproducing the names of rooms and objects in their correct locations on a blank copy of the layout. Study-retrieval trials continued until the participant could correctly position all of the rooms and all of the objects. It took older participants more trials than it took the young participants to accomplish this (MY = 3.85, SD = 0.99; MO = 5.81, SD = 1.66), t(98) = 7.26, p < .001.
After learning the layout, participants read each of the narratives on a Macintosh computer with presentation controlled by MacLaboratory software (Chute 1994
). Reading was self-paced using a sentence-by-sentence presentation. Participants advanced to each sentence with a keypress and were asked to read each story with the goal of answering a series of questions about it. Immediately after each narrative, participants were presented a series of yes/no comprehension questions on the computer that probed understanding of the protagonist's goals, subgoals organized to achieve goals, and emotional tone and location of the protagonist at critical points in the narrative, as well as the location of learned and new objects (examples of questions for the sample narrative are included in A; note that collectively questions probed both textbase content and inferences not explicitly stated). All participants read and answered questions about a practice passage similar to the experimental passages.
| Results |
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Target Sentence Reading Times
Mean target sentence reading times were analyzed in a 2 (Age) x 2 (Object Type: learned, new) x 3 (Distance: goal, path, source) repeated measures analysis of variance. Older adults read the target sentences more slowly than younger readers did, F(1,98) = 10.11, p < .01. Target sentences containing learned objects were read more slowly than were those containing new objects, F(1,98) = 18.42, p < .001. This difference was exaggerated among older readers (4,382 vs. 3,848 ms) relative to younger readers (3,642 vs. 3,551 ms), F(1,98) = 7.91, p < .01. This suggests that information about objects learned from the map prior to reading was somewhat less accessible than was information encoded during reading and that this was particularly true for older readers. This difference in accessibility may be due to the different temporal relationships between when learned and new objects were encoded and their use in the narrative (i.e., relative to the target sentences, new objects had been encountered more recently). In other words, only the new objects were mentioned in the text prior to the target sentence, giving them an advantage in terms of activation in the textbase representation. Alternatively, this may reflect the fact that the integration of new information with established knowledge can demand attentional resources (as measured by increased reading time allocation to conceptual integration, Miller 2001
, and by increased time required on a secondary task, Britton and Tesser 1982
), which simply takes more time.
There was also a significant effect of distance (3,643, 3,909, and 4,038 ms, for goal, path, and source, respectively), F(2,196) = 20.71, p < .001. This distance effect was apparent for the learned objects among both younger (goal = 3,398, path = 3,599, source = 3,928 ms) and older (goal = 4,131, path = 4,439, source = 4,574 ms) readers. Although this effect for new objects appeared to be somewhat more robust among the older (goal = 3,673, path = 4,118, source = 4,051) than the young adults (goal = 3,429, path = 3,564, source = 3,660), none of the interactions with distance reached significance.
Note, however, that this analysis grouped together participants regardless of their effectiveness as readers. Ineffective readers are often less responsive to the demands of the text (which may in part account for why they are ineffective) and essentially add noise to any analysis of strategies used by readers that are engaged by the text (e.g., Miller and Stine-Morrow 1998
; Stine-Morrow, Miller, and Leno 2001
). Thus, to get a more sensitive estimate of reading strategy, we repeated the analysis for participants showing good comprehension accuracy (75% or better).
The 40 younger and 36 older adults who met this criterion were similar to the sample as a whole in terms of age (MY = 19.57, 18 to 38; MO = 65.17, 56 to 75), vocabulary (MY = 49.48, SD = 6.91; MO = 61.56, SD = 4.69), and average WM span (MY = 5.23, SD = 1.12; MO = 4.62, SD = 1.23). Neither did they differ from the sample as a whole in terms of the reading time allocated to the sentences in which the new objects were introduced (for the subsample, MY = 217 ms/syllable, SD = 33; MO = 241 ms/syllable, SD = 61; for the sample as a whole, MY = 215 ms/syllable, SD = 38; MO = 236 ms/syllable, SD = 57; see B, Note 2).
As in the analysis of the entire sample, there were significant effects of age, F(1,74) = 7.45, p < .01, object type, F(1,74) = 14.47, p < .001, and distance, F(2,148) = 19.38, p < .001, on target sentence reading times, as well as a significant interaction between age and object type, F(1,74) = 5.24, p < .03.
Additionally, among this subsample who showed good comprehension, the distance effect was exaggerated among the older readers, as shown by a significant Age x Distance Interaction, F(2,148) = 4.17, p < .02, and was modified as a function of the combination of age and object type and shown by the significant three-way interaction, F(2,148) = 3.83, p < .025. This interaction among age, object type, and distance is shown in Fig. 1. Although these younger adults showed a distance effect for learned objects, F(2,78) = 13.37, p < .001, the distance effect was not significant for new objects, F(2,148) < 1. The older readers, on the other hand, showed a distance effect for both learned, F(2,70) = 7.27, p < .001, and new, F(2,70) = 8.00, p < .001, objects.
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The correlational analysis within each age group showed that the distance effect (collapsing across condition) was a more reliable predictor of performance among the old than the young. This effect among the old was most strongly driven by the distance effect for new objects. Interestingly, to the extent that younger adults' performance was predicted from the distance effect, this was due only to that for learned objects. It is important to note that while younger and older adults showed similar accuracy for questions about location (cf. Table 1 ), it was the relationships between question accuracy and the distance effect that differed for the two age groups. Again, these data are consistent with the notion that younger readers relied relatively more on the textbase to retrieve this information, while older adults may have relied on the situation model.
| Discussion |
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Before describing our interpretation of these findings in more detail, we wish to make clear that the differential effects of situation model processing across age were statistically reliable only among those who showed good comprehension performance. It is not unusual for less effective readers to show relatively less sensitivity in their allocation patterns to text (e.g., Miller and Stine-Morrow 1998
; Stine-Morrow et al. 2001
). The implication here is that our conclusions are most clearly generalizable to engaged readers, those readers who allocate resources as demanded by the text and (presumably as a consequence) show relatively good levels of comprehension and memory performance. Thus, in drawing conclusions about age differences in reading strategy, our findings most clearly address the cognitive events leading up to successful performance (Baltes and Baltes 1990
).
Within these boundaries, our data suggest that when updating can be based on established knowledge (as when object locations were learned prior to reading), both younger and older readers spontaneously update the situation model in narrative comprehension. However, only older readers were reliable in spontaneously updating the situation when its initial construction depended on integrating information from the text into the representation. In other words, memorization of the layout of the narrative setting before reading appears to have engendered situation model updating regardless of age.
Without this a priori knowledge of the layout, readers encountering new objects in the narrative setting were free to choose whether to encode these into the textbase or into the situation model. Effective older readers demonstrated a distance effect for these objects, suggesting that they made the choice to encode these objects into the situation model. They apparently did this even though this type of spatial processing was not necessary for referential coherence and additional resources may be required to integrate text-introduced objects into the layout (e.g., de Vega 1995
). Younger readers, however, showed no such distance effect in this condition. There are two reasons why they may not have shown this effect. Either they did not encode the new objects into the situation model when these objects were introduced into the text, or they did not update the situation model (i.e., access the locations of these objects relative to the protagonist as she or he moved through the narrative setting). Our data do not clearly discriminate between these two explanations. However, we prefer the former explanation and believe that it is unlikely that objects were fully encoded into the situation model but then somehow tagged as distinctive from the learned objects in situation model updating. It is clearly not the case that younger adults ignored the introduction of the new objects. Their ability to answer questions about the locations of these new objects was at least as good as that of the old, suggesting that they incorporated this information propositionally into the textbase. This made the information accessible for answering questions, but not necessarily part of the working situation model of the discourse world. This finding is consistent with that of Radvansky and colleagues 2001
, who showed that younger adults are more likely than older adults to retain the textbase representation. The finding that the new objects were part of the discourse world in on-line reading for older adults showing good comprehension (in the absence of an environmental press to do so) provides evidence for the proposal that successful elderly readers show greater reliance on the situation model.
| Acknowledgments |
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Received for publication January 29, 2001. Accepted for publication November 2, 2001.
| Appendix |
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[Introduction of two more objects]
[Development of plot: Howard has gambling debt and learns that some shady characters are coming to collect. He frantically roams the center trying to find someone to lend him money before the thugs find him.]
Motion Sentence: Then he walked from the conference room into the reception room.
Target Sentence (Learned Goal): He wondered if there were any loose change near the magazine rack.
[Additional narrative]
Motion Sentence: He walked from the experiment room into the repair shop.
Target Sentence (New Path): He remembered that he had seen his office mate near the toaster.
[Additional narrative]
Just then the secretary grabbed him, shook him a bit, and told him that they had a check for him on the condition that he start attending Gamblers Anonymous meetings.
Questions
Protagonist Goals
Was Howard determined to pay off his debt to the loan sharks on his own? (n)
Protagonist Subgoals
In trying to get some money, did Howard think of selling his VCR? (n)
Emotional Tone
Were the center's employees sympathetic to Howard's situation? (y)
Location of Protagonist
Was it in the reception room that Howard first asked for money? (y)
Location of Learned Objects
Was the magazine rack in the library? (n)
Location of New Objects
Was the toaster located in the conference room? (n)
Note: n = no; y = yes. Answers were not seen by participants.
| Appendix B |
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| References |
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